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Troy Palmer2026-05-08T09:54:12-05:00

The impact of club sports on student experience in higher education

Troy Palmer2026-05-08T09:54:12-05:00June 26th, 2026|Contemporary Sports Issues, General, Olympics, Sport Training, Sports Coaching, Sports Exercise Science, Sports Marketing|

ABSTRACT 

Purpose:

This paper analyzes the long-term effect of carbon plated running shoe technology (super shoes) on the performance of elite female and male marathoners.

Methods: 

 In order to do this, we collected data on the number of male sub-2:08 and female sub-2:26:50 marathons in years both prior to and after the introduction of such shoes.  Regression models were then constructed to assess the yearly trend in these data both pre and post super shoe introduction (this was done separately for each gender). 

Results:

We found a statistically significant increase in the slope following the introduction of super shoes, with the annual number of sub-2:08 performers increasing by approximately 11.8 more athletes per year for men and 22.2 for women.  Additionally, we compared the change in men’s slope to the change in women’s slope, finding that women’s times responded significantly more to the introduction of super shoes than did the men’s times.

Conclusions:

In summary, super shoes not only provide an immediate boost to race day performance, but also appear to have ongoing time improvement effects over time.

Applications in Sport:

This research will allow runners to make informed decisions regarding their use of shoe technology in competition.   These findings suggest that performances in elite marathoning are improving at a faster rate since the introduction of super shoes.  This implies that athletes, coaches, and governing bodies must account for the ongoing effects of shoe technology in training, competition, and qualification standards.

Keywords: Marathon, carbon plated shoes, performance benefits from shoes

INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW

The marathon race traces its origins back to the legend of Pheidippides.  We owe the standardization of the distance to the royal family at the 1908 London Olympics, who requested the race to pass the palace, and thus at 26 miles and 385 yards, and a tradition of long distance racing was born.

Following the running boom of the early 1970s, marathon running has become increasingly popular at both a recreational and elite level.  Currently, the most competitive marathons are part of the Abbott World Marathon Majors. 

One noteworthy thing about long-distance running is that it requires minimal equipment.  Perhaps the greatest innovation in equipment technology was the introduction of carbon plated shoes by Nike in 2016.  Initially, knowledge of their existence was rather limited, although the three male marathon medalists at the Rio De Janeiro Olympics all wore some prototype of these shoes (5).  These shoes, however, did not become widely available until 2017 and, therefore, we use 2017 as their year of introduction for the purposes of the analyses we conduct in this paper.  Over time, the use of these shoes has grown to encompass recreational runners as well, and they have become increasingly popular for use in training, due to their extensive cushioning. 

Previous work by Bjorkelo et al. (2024) has shown that the use of these shoes has an immediate effect on performance.  In particular, they found an immediate increase in the number of sub-2:08 marathons run per year by male marathoners.  The goal of this paper, however, is to determine what, if any, long-term benefits these shoes offer.  In other words, our goal is to see, if, in addition to the aforementioned immediate benefit, this shoe technology also affects the rate at which the number of sub-2:08 marathons per year is increasing.  We assess the same relationship for the number of women’s marathons run under 2:26:50 each year.  Mathematically, this study models elite marathon performance counts as a piecewise linear time series with a structural break corresponding to the introduction of new shoe technology.  To provide background for these analyses, we now turn to a review of the literature.

A great deal of research into the various factors affecting long distance running performance has been conducted over the years.  Running shoe technology has become an increasingly popular area of research following the introduction of super shoes.  Much of this research has involved the effect of these shoes on running economy (RE).  Morgan et al. (8) define RE as the volume of oxygen that must be consumed (per kg body weight) in order to support a particular running velocity.

While many factors affect RE, the one most relevant to this study is related to running mechanics.  Specifically, this factor involves the force with which an athlete’s foot can hit and depart from the ground (3).  Much of the research into the efficacy of super shoes in reducing marathon times has been lab research related to these ground forces.  For example, Herbert-Losier and Pamment (5) found that while the Nike Zoom Streak 6 (a traditional racing shoe) had an energy return of 65.5%, the Nike Vaporfly (a super shoe) returned 87% of the expended mechanical energy.  They found that this increase in energy return results in approximately a 4% increase in RE and a 2% increase in performance.  Similarly, Hunter et al. (7) found runners’ oxygen consumption to be between 1.9% and 2.8% lower in carbon plated shoes, as opposed to traditional racing shoes.

The aforementioned laboratory gains in RE can, naturally, vary quite a bit from one individual to another.  For instance,  Paradisis et al. (9) found that, among recreational runners, the reduction in oxygen consumption attributable to carbon plated racing shoes can be up to 3.8%.  It is also important to note that most of the studies on RE focused on male subjects or pooled male and female subjects (1).  As we will shortly see, one of the analyses performed in this study attempts to discern any differences in separately averaged male and female response to super shoes.

Although much of the research into carbon plated shoe technology has been conducted in the laboratory, some work has been done outside of the laboratory.  In particular, Bjorkelo et al. (2) found that the introduction of super shoes in 2017 was associated with a 91 second decrease in elite male marathoning times.  Additionally, Robbin et al. (11) found that, since the introduction of super shoes, elite male and female marathoning times have improved according to the 3 following criteria:  (1) the arithmetic mean of the medians of the 100 best performances per year was at least 0.3% faster than the reference value, (2) at least 50% of the years in the observation period were faster than the reference value, and (3) two years within the observation period were the fastest years analyzed.  Most notably, they found that arithmetic mean of the medians decreased by 1.45% for the females and by 0.73% for the males.  This corroborates the 1.174% decrease in elite male times found by Bjorkelo et al. (2). 

In this paper, we will take the previous research several steps further.  While the previous research looked at the one-time effect of super shoes on race times (e.g. a 1.45% decrease in marathon times for women and a 0.73% decrease for men) (11), we will address the question:  on a yearly basis, are race times improving more rapidly than they used to for elite male and female marathon runners?  Additionally, we will statistically quantify any differences that exist between this rate of improvement for men versus women.

METHODS 

In order to address the questions posed above, we collected data on the number of male individuals running under 2:08 for the marathon for each year from 1985 through 2024, and similarly, collected data on the number of female individuals running under 2:26:50 for each year from 2002 through 2024 (note that we examine the number of unique individuals under these time standards, not the total number of performances under these standards).  These data are publicly available, and were obtained from the World Athletics database (6). We then conducted several linear regression analyses. Due to the time-series nature of the data, we used Cochrane-Orcutt transformations on all continuous variables, in order to remediate the autocorrelation of the residuals (4).  This transformation transforms the regression variables such that the correlation of model errors over time is dramatically reduced.  After correcting for autocorrelation, no evidence of heteroskedasticity or non-normality of residuals was detected.  Additionally, in order to minimize the multicollinearity in the models, we centered the year about 2017.  Note that all hypotheses are tested at the 0.05 level of significance.

In each of the aforementioned regressions, the dependent variable is either the number of individuals who ran sub-2:08 marathon in a given calendar year (when dealing with men), or the number of individuals who ran sub-2:26:50 marathon times in a given calendar year (when dealing with women).  The times of 2:08 and 2:26:50 were chosen for the following reasons:  (1) they allowed us to find data dating back a few decades, (2) they would still be considered an elite marathon time today, and (3) the data for this particular set of times was readily available.  Further, the choice of 2:08 allows for a nice comparison to work previously done by Bjorkelo et al. (2), and as 2:08 is near the 2024 Olympic standard for men, the Olympic standard for women seemed a compatible complement. That said, we note that there is nothing intrinsically special about the times of 2:08 and 2:26:50.

While we acknowledge that the use of counts of performances below a fixed threshold differs from directly modeling finishing times, this approach offers two advantages. First, it provides a consistent and interpretable measure of performance depth over time, allowing us to assess how many athletes are achieving historically high standards in any given year. Second, threshold-based measures such as ours are less sensitive to extreme outliers (e.g., world records) and instead capture overall changes in competitive field quality.

In each regression, the year (e.g. 2010) is used as an independent variable.  As noted in the introduction, we consider 2017 to be the first year for which super shoes were widely available.

In practical terms, the approach outlined above allows us to compare how quickly elite-level performances were improving before and after the introduction of super shoes. Instead of focusing on individual race times, the model captures changes in the depth of elite performances over time.

RESULTS

We now address the first research question:  has the annual rate of increase of the number of men running under 2:08 changed since the introduction of super shoes?

Men

To clarify the above statement, we assume (and can see from the data) that the number of men running under 2:08 each year has been increasing over time, independent of shoe technology.  This may be attributable to such things as improved nutrition and better training methods.  Our goal is to see if that rate of increase changed in 2017, upon the introduction of super shoes.  In order to do this, we estimate the following equations:

Y = b₁₁ + b₂₁X, where Y = the number of men under 2:08, and X = year (for years 1985-2016)

Y = b₁₂ + b₂₂X, where Y = the number of men under 2:08, and X = year (for years 2017-2024). 

In the first equation above, b₁₁ is the estimate y-intercept and b₂₁is the estimated slope.  Similar notation is used throughout the remainder of this section for the remaining equations.  In practice, b₂₁  is the pre-super shoe slope and b₂₂ is the post-super shoe slope.  b₂₁ tells us, on average, how many sub-2:08 performers were being added per year prior to the introduction of super shoes (presumably due to things like improved nutrition), while  b₂₂ tells us, on average, how many sub-2:08 performers have been added per year after the super shoes were widely available.

The estimated equations are presented below (with standard errors in parentheses below the parameter estimates):

(equation 1a)  Y = -2022.04 + 2.595X

                                                              (0.516)

(equation 1b)  Y = -39725.17 + 14.395X

                                                                 (1.973)

Although it is not our primary topic of interest, we note that each of the slope parameter estimates above are statistically significant, and have p-values < 0.001. 

After estimating both equations (using ordinary least squares regression), we test the following hypothesis:

H₀:  b₂₁ = b₂₂

H₁:  b₂₁ ≠ b₂₂

Note that we use the approach above, as opposed to simply estimating one equation with an interaction term, because our attempts to do so were met with serious multicollinearity issues. 

In order to test the hypothesis above, we utilized a modified Sattherthwaite approach (13) to estimating the degrees of freedom for the corresponding t-test.  We utilize this approach because (1) some of our sample sizes are relatively small and (2) the variance of the parameter estimates we are comparing do not appear to be equal. 

From equations 1a and 1b, we find a test statistic value of T = 5.78.  Using the method of von Davier (13), we find an effective degrees of freedom of 8.23.  This results in a p-value = 0.00042.  Hence, we reject our null hypothesis of no difference between the slopes.  Indeed, it appears that the annual rate of change (slope) in the number of sub-2:08’s  during the super shoe era is significantly greater than the rate of change prior to the introduction of super shoes.

The difference between the slopes above is 11.8.  This means that, upon the introduction of super shoes, the rate of increase in the number of sub-2:08 runners each year increased by 11.8.  In other words, we are now adding nearly 12 more athletes per year to the sub-2:08 ranks than was the case prior to 2017.  In a practical sense, this suggests that elite performance is not just improving, but improving at an accelerating rate since the introduction of super shoes.

Women

Similarly, we now address our second research question:  has the annual rate of increase of the number of women running under 2:26:50 changed since the introduction of super shoes?

  In order to answer this question, we estimate the following equations:

Y = a₁₁ + a₂₁X, where Y = the number of women under 2:26:50, and X = year (for years 2002-2016)

Y = a₁₂ + a₂₂X, where Y = the number of women under 2:26:50, and X = year (for years 2017-2024)

The estimated equations are presented below (with standard errors in parentheses below the parameter estimates):

(equation 2a)  Y = -3780.75 + 3.58X

                                                              (1.127)

(equation 2b)  Y = -55464.92 + 25.79X

                                                                 (3.521)

As with the male marathoners, note that both of the slope parameter estimates above are statistically significant, and have p-values 0.008 and less than 0.001, respectively. 

We now test the following hypothesis for the women:

H₀:  a₂₁ = a₂₂

H₁:  a₂₁ ≠ a₂₂

From equations 2a and 2b, we calculate a test statistic value of T = 6.01.  Using the method of von Davier (13), we find an effective degrees of freedom of 5.87.  This results in a p-value = 0.0018.  Hence, we again reject our null hypothesis of no difference between the slopes.  It appears that, as with the male marathoners, the annual rate of change (slope) in the number of sub-2:26:50’s run by females during the super shoe era is significantly greater than the rate of change prior to the introduction of super shoes.

Finding the difference of the slopes above, we are now seeing a rate of increase in sub-2:26:50 runners that is 22.21 athletes per year more than it was previously.

Comparison of Men and Women

We have just seen that there is convincing statistical evidence to show that the rate of increase of both male and female fast (under 2:08 and 2:26:50, respectively) marathons has increased since the introduction of super shoes.  Our final research question involves determining whether or not these two changes in rate of fast times is different between the genders.  In order to do this, we estimate one regression equation for each gender.  Each of these equations involves the entirety of the years available for that gender.  The dependent variable is unchanged from before.  We now use the 3 following independent variables:  X₁ = year, X₂ is a 0-1 dummy variable which indicates whether or not super shoes were available that year, and the interaction term X₁ X₂.  We can then test to see if there is a difference in the changes of the two genders’ slopes by testing to see if the parameter estimates for the two interaction terms are equal or not.  Specifically, we test:

H₀:  c_4m = c_4f

H₁:  c_4m ≠ c_4f,

 Where the c_i are the coefficients of the two equations’ parameter estimates, and m and f refer to the male and female equations, respectively.  The coefficients in the hypotheses above are taken from equations 3a and 3b below, which represent the two regression equations we estimated:

(equation 3a)  Y = 26.71 +1.008X_1m + 25.94X_2m + 2.73X_1mX_2m

                                                       (0.208)        (8.54)            (2.06)

(equation 3b)  Y = 108.85 +3.194X_1f + 321.71X_2f + 20.27X_1fX_2f

                                                         (0.90)        (48.64)            (3.36)

Recall that Y is the estimated number of athletes under 2:08 or 2:26:50 (elite), and each equation above contains an intercept, an intercept additive “shift” for the super shoe era (X₂), a slope representing the estimated annual increase in number of elite marathons from 1985-2024 (X₁),and an additive increase in slope for the estimated additional number of elite marathons each year after the introduction of super shoes (X₁X₂₎).

From equations 3a and 3b, we used the same techniques as in the first two hypothesis tests, and calculate a test statistic value of T = 4.45 with an effective degrees of freedom of 5.67.  This results in a p-value = 0.0067.  Hence, we reject the null hypothesis and do, indeed, find evidence that the rate of change in the two genders’ slopes is different.  Namely, the women’s slope appears to have changed more than did the men’s slope.  We now discuss the aforementioned results in more detail.

DISCUSSION

The results from the previous section provide several interesting implications for the future of marathoning.  The preceding findings are not only statistically important, but also have applications for coaches and athletes who want to understand how rapidly the competitive standard in elite marathoning is evolving.  To our knowledge, this is the first study to provide statistical evidence that advanced shoe technology is associated not only with immediate performance improvements, but also with an increased rate of elite performance progression over time.

In order to put these new results in context, however, it is important to recall a prior result.  Bjorkelo et al. (2) previously found that the widespread introduction of super shoes in 2017 resulted in an immediate increase in the number of sub-2:08 marathons run per year.  Specifically, they found two things:  (1) the introduction of super shoes was associated with an immediate increase in the number of sub-2:08 marathons by just over 23 per year and (2) after accounting for this shoe effect, there was a trend over time of an additional 2.56 sub-2:08 times per year.  Their data set, however, only included times through 2021.  Combining these results, we can look at number of sub-2:08 times per year as a linear function of time that took a one time jump in 2017. 

Our results extend this past work in a significant way.  Namely, we found that, in addition to this one time jump the number of fast (where, for purposes of this paper, we define fast as under 2:08 for men and under 2:26:50 for women) marathons, the number of fast marathons being added per year has also increased.  In other words, the number of fast marathon times per year can no longer be viewed as a simple linear function.  Rather, the number of fast times per year is a piecewise function of time, with the changepoint occurring in 2017.  At that time, the slope of the function changed.

Regarding the specifics of this change in slope, we find that in 2017, for men, the number of additional  sub-2:08 times per year increased from 2.595 to 14.395.  Similarly, for women, the number of additional sub-2:26:50 times per year increased from 3.58 to 25.79.  There are a few possible reasons for this increase.  One likely reason involves the possibility that training in these highly cushioned shoes allows runners to train at higher volume and/or intensity.  This ability to run hard sessions with less residual fatigue may allow marathoners to improve their times faster than before.  While a thorough discussion of marathon training methods is beyond the scope of this paper, we do mention an example.  First, Ruiz et al. (12) found that carbon plated marathon racing shoes allowed athletes to run faster later in hard track workouts.   Similarly, it would be reasonable to expect that these shoes might allow athletes to recover more quickly following the completion of hard workouts.  If this is true, it would allow marathoners to run more hard workouts during any given time period. 

In addition to the recovery effect noted above, it is possible that there might be a psychological effect influencing the increasing rate of fast marathon times being seen each year.  Pfister (10) found that a super shoe placebo effect might exist.  Specifically, they found that, given 2 structurally identical shoes, runners perceived a reduction in running effort when they were told the shoes were super shoes. 

Related to this is the potential for super shoes to have initiated a “Bannister effect” in marathon running.  The Bannister effect refers to the flood of sub-4:00 miles run in the immediate aftermath of Roger Bannister breaking that long revered barrier in 1954 (14).  It is possible that the physical effects of super shoes resulted in people running faster than before, which, in turn, led to people believing they could run faster than before.  If a 2:08 marathon is no longer seen as especially fast for an elite male marathoner, this belief may result in more elite athletes going after this as a realistic goal, thus increasing the pool of people who may run under 2:08.  It would seem reasonable for all of the aforementioned super shoe effects to hold for both men and women and, indeed, we found statistically significant evidence that the rate of increase in fast marathons did increase for both men and women.

Other possible explanations include that the “slope” and “intercept” considerations are being confounded by the effects of some early adopters and some later adopters. This is less likely for Olympic caliber athletes as those considered here.

Further, it seems that super shoe producers are continuing to innovate. Nike’s original super shoes were named “4%s,” a nod to the purported energy savings.  As time goes by and technologies improve, this 4% number may grow. 

Our next result of interest involves comparing the super shoe effect in men and women.  As seen in our results section, the rate of increase in women’s fast (2:26:50) marathon times was statistically significantly greater than the rate of increase in men’s fast (2:08) times.  This implies that, for some reason, super shoes may have a greater effect on women’s times than on men’s.  Minimal work has been done comparing men’s and women’s responses to super shoes, so the reasons behind the difference we detected are speculative.  One possible reason could be due to potential differences in male and female physiology and/or biomechanics.  A second reason could be related to the possibility that there may simply be more room for improvement in women’s marathoning than in men’s marathoning (perhaps due to later access).

While this study focuses on elite-level performances, the findings may also have implications for non-elite runners. As improvements in shoe technology continue to influence performance at the highest levels, similar results have been found for recreational runners (9). This could affect pacing strategies, training approaches, and goal setting for individuals whose objectives are things like setting personal best times or qualifying for the Boston Marathon.

As can be seen, maintaining one’s competitive status may increasingly depend not only on talent and training, but also on access to and the use of advanced footwear technology.

This research also provides interesting avenues for future research.  First, it would be valuable for more research to be done comparing the effect of carbon plated shoes on males versus females. Research comparing effects in both training, racing, and recovery would be valuable.  Second, a repeat of the study contained herein in several years would be of interest.  In particular, such a study could shed light on whether or not the change in slope we observed is permanent.  Finally, extending the work done in this paper to track races would be most useful.  The technology present in super shoes was, even more recently, introduced to spikes used for track races.  It would be interesting to see how similar the effects of these spikes are to the effects we found in the marathon shoes.

There are some limitations to the research presented here.  First, and most importantly, our sample sizes are relatively small.  This is unavoidable, however, since super shoes have only been widely available for 8 years as of the writing of this paper.  Additionally, we note that the results we found speak to the evolution of marathon racing as a whole, and do not offer predictions as to the effect of shoe technology on any given runner.  Finally, it is certainly possible that factors such as changes in prize structures and advances in training may have contributed to the observed changes over time.  That said, our inclusion of a time variable in each regression should account for incremental changes in performance over time.  By comparing the change in the time variable’s slope upon the introduction of super shoes, we attempt to isolate this major change as best as reasonably possible.

CONCLUSION 

In summary, we have found that the use of carbon plated shoe technology is significantly related to the rate of increase in the number of fast marathoners per year.  In addition to the immediate performance effect of super shoes, the number of additional fast times being added each year has increased significantly for both men and women since the introduction of these shoes in 2017.  In order to remain competitive in this environment, athletes are going to have to take advantage of every possible opportunity offered by equipment technology.  This increase in competitiveness appears to be even greater in women’s marathoning than in men’s marathon racing.  More broadly, these findings highlight how new technologies can alter the trajectory of performance progression in endurance sports.

APPLICATIONS IN SPORT

The results of this study have important implications for athletes, coaches, and sport governing bodies.  First, the ongoing benefit of super shoe technology provides one important additional reason for competitive runners – both elite and non-elite – to consider the use of super shoes.  As Paradisis et al. (9) showed, the lab effect of super shoes is quite significant, even among recreational competitors.  While elite athletes generally have their shoes paid for by sponsors, recreational athletes must consider the costs and benefits of these shoes.  With most super shoes costing at least $250, it is important to be aware of all of their benefits prior to making a purchasing decision.  For competitive runners, this implies that, despite their cost, not using super shoes may place them at a growing disadvantage as performance standards continue to improve.

Second, as noted earlier, a portion of the ongoing benefit of super shoes appears to be due to their ability to allow runners to perform more frequent high intensity training sessions.  Having empirically verified that this benefit is significant, athletes of all levels may now consider working with their coaches to modify past training regimens, due to the enhanced ability to recover that these shoes provide.  Coaches may therefore consider revisiting traditional recovery assumptions when developing training micro and macrocycles.  For example, coaches may consider modest increases in weekly training volume or intensity, while carefully monitoring recovery, in order to leverage the enhanced recovery capacity offered by super shoe technology.

Finally, there are applications for race directors and governing bodies.  The people in charge of determining qualifying times for events such as the Olympics, Olympic Trials, and Boston Marathon often determine these standards years in advance with a rough idea of the field size they desire.  Since we have now shown, and quantified, that the rate of increase in the number of fast times has increased, it may be useful to consider this information when setting qualifying standards, in order to optimize the number of competitors in a marathon.  Failure to account for these trends may result in the use of qualifying standards that no longer reflect the intended level of selectivity.

Troy Palmer2026-02-12T13:35:16-06:00

BOOK REVIEW: Murphy, J. (2020). Inner Excellence. Train Your Mind For Extraordinary Performance And The Best Possible Life. Academy of Excellence – New York – Rome – Tokyo.

Troy Palmer2026-02-12T13:35:16-06:00June 24th, 2026|Book Reveiws, Contemporary Sports Issues, Leadership, Sports Studies, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|

Inner Excellence, by Jim Murphy, was published in 2020 but entered the broader public conversation several years later. During a nationally televised Wild Card game in January 2025, A.J. Brown of the Philadelphia Eagles was spotted reading the book on the sideline, a moment that drew widespread attention. His postgame praise helped propel the book to the number one spot on Amazon by the following morning.While Brown’s visibility expanded its audience, Murphy’s work ultimately stands on its own as a clear, accessible exploration of the mental habits that separate elite performers and extend beyond sport.

At its core, Inner Excellence challenges the idea that achievement alone creates a meaningful life, instead placing value on growth that begins internally through self-awareness and personal development rather than external validation. Murphy encourages readers to move away from chasing approval or outcomes and toward building a steadier foundation rooted in purpose and perspective. Central to this shift is his caution against ego, which he describes as one of the greatest obstacles people face. In Murphy’s view, excessive self-focus distorts perspective, limits growth, and distracts from long-term development.

That same mindset shapes how Murphy frames the book itself. He invites readers to approach Inner Excellence not as a destination to reach, but as an ongoing process rather than a final achievement. In doing so, he challenges conventional definitions of success, suggesting that exceptional leaders measure it through effort, growth, and a sense of purpose extending beyond oneself. This reframing feels relevant in a culture fixated on contracts, awards, and social media validation. Importantly, Murphy delivers these ideas without an authoritative tone, writing instead as a guide alongside the reader and inviting reflection rather than dictating conclusions. Although many examples draw from athletics and the language of sport, the lessons extend well beyond athletes, translating naturally to everyday life and professional pursuits through references to figures such as Theodore Roosevelt, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and J.K. Rowling.

Murphy draws on his background as a former member of the Chicago Cubs to illustrate how closely his sense of identity and self-worth became tied to performance. That dynamic may feel familiar to many readers and raises a natural question about how often personal worth becomes linked to results alone. I recognize that tendency in myself, particularly in the ways confidence and self-perception can become tethered to external outcomes.

Inner Excellence is organized into eleven chapters that explore a broad range of ideas, including performance, emotional control, presence, overcoming mental blocks, maintaining poise under pressure, and leadership. Across these chapters, Murphy also weaves in topics such as the subconscious, visualization, self-awareness, the difference between dreams and goals, and the development of courage. Among them, Chapter 3, “The Greatest Opponents You’ll Ever Face,” stood out most to me. In it, Murphy identifies three internal adversaries that undermine performance and growth: the Critic, the Monkey Mind, and the Trickster. The Critic delivers negative judgments, the Monkey Mind fuels relentless mental noise, and the Trickster fixates on past failures to reinforce self-doubt. What gives the chapter its weight for me is how it reflects my own experience, where progress is often limited less by external obstacles than by the internal narratives I carry.

Murphy brings further clarity to this idea by framing life as a series of choices between two paths: the path of freedom and the path of comfort. One requires risk, growth, and a willingness to confront fear, while the other favors safety and familiarity, often at the cost of long-term development. I am frequently drawn toward the option that offers less resistance, only to recognize how easily comfort can delay growth. In this way, Inner Excellence moves beyond athletic performance and becomes a personal challenge, prompting an honest reckoning with how rarely meaningful progress occurs without deliberate discomfort.

Inner Excellence is not a book meant to be rushed, and for some readers, myself included, it can feel overwhelming if approached too quickly. There is a great deal of material, but readers should not feel pressured to absorb or apply everything at once. Instead, the book benefits from a slower, more intentional pace, with chapters best read in smaller sections and revisited as needed. Murphy’s approach relies on reflection, lived experience, illustrative examples, and quotations rather than formal research or statistical validation, which may not appeal to readers who prefer strictly data-driven frameworks. That said, the book is intended as a practical resource rather than an academic text. Each chapter concludes with clearly defined “Key Points,” along with follow-up questions and activities that encourage application. In this way, Inner Excellence functions less as a book to be read straight through and, for me, more as a personal toolkit, one that invites readers to return to specific chapters and apply the lessons most relevant to their lives. The writing is clear, making the ideas easy to understand and apply in everyday settings.

Murphy draws a parallel between physical and mental training, emphasizing that mental development deserves the same consideration we give physical preparation. Inner Excellence offers not a finish line, but a framework meant to be revisited, applied, and lived over time. It reads less as a prescription for immediate change and more as an invitation to return, reflect, and apply its ideas with patience and intention, making it a book I would strongly recommend and one that at times feels akin to a personal form of therapy.

Troy Palmer2025-10-29T09:49:24-05:00

BOOK REVIEW: Moawad, T. (2022). Getting to Neutral: How to Conquer Negativity and Thrive in a Chaotic World. HarperOne.

Troy Palmer2025-10-29T09:49:24-05:00June 24th, 2026|Book Reveiws, Contemporary Sports Issues, Leadership|

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written while the author was a student. The author has since graduated. The author holds an M.S. Exercise Science degree from West Chester University of Pennsylvania

Trevor Moawad, author of It Takes What It Takes, passed away in September 2021. Yet his influence resonates through the posthumous release of his second book, Getting to Neutral: How to Conquer Negativity and Thrive in a Chaotic World, published in 2022. The book builds on the mindset philosophy of neutral thinking that made Moawad a trusted figure in elite performance circles. In Getting to Neutral, he outlines practical strategies for applying neutral thinking to real-time adversity—reaffirming his core belief that performance begins with a mindset grounded in reality, not emotion. The goal is to break free from the weight of past experiences and focus on what can be controlled in the present to shape the future. As Moawad often said, “The past may be real, but it’s not predictive.”

Moawad’s writing isn’t academic or journalistic—it’s conversational. While that may deter some, it makes his ideas more accessible. The book’s 11 chapters explore different aspects of neutral thinking, and for a clear, non-sports example, Chapter 2—“How to Downshift to Neutral”—delivers. Moawad illustrates the concept through two personal, relatable experiences: his cancer diagnosis and COVID-19. In both cases, the future was uncertain, and he had to stay grounded in the present. It’s easy to be consumed by fear and doubt, but Moawad urges us to focus on what we can control. This doesn’t mean forcing positivity—after all, how can anyone be truly “positive” while facing a terminal illness or global crisis? Instead, he emphasizes staying neutral—accepting what has happened, recognizing what is happening, and asking “What’s the next thing I need to do?”

In Chapter 5, “Behaving Your Way to Success,” Moawad references Navy Admiral William McRaven’s 2014 University of Texas commencement speech, which opens with the simple directive: “Make your bed.” Moawad uses this to introduce a core theme: success isn’t built on big, dramatic moments—it’s built on small, consistent habits. “First you form your habits, then they form you,” he writes, challenging readers to consider whether their behaviors align with their values. If you value health but never prioritize exercise, is that value truly guiding you? He argues that those who rise to the top aren’t always the most talented, but the most consistent. This chapter made me reflect on my own routines and how I often confuse intention with action. Moawad’s reminder, that identity is shaped not by belief, but by habit, challenges us to own not just what we want, but how we show up.

Chapter 6, “Indiana Trevor and the Scroll of Doom,” felt especially relevant in a time when constant negativity seems inescapable. It explores doomscrolling and highlights studies on nonstop news cycles and social media’s impact on mental health—topics I related to personally. I left social media after repeatedly comparing my life to others’ highlight reels. Moawad captures the emotional toll of comparison—something I had felt but never fully expressed. One line stuck with me: “They’re working hard to mask their own insecurities and, in the process, they’re helping create insecurity in you”—a reminder that even those who seem to have it all together often don’t. He closes the chapter with a simple, lasting message: “Set the phone down and get on with your life.” That line helped me reclaim clarity in a world of constant comparison.

In Chapter 7, Moawad shares a line that struck me: “Starve your distractions. Feed your focus.” As someone who struggles to quiet mental noise, that phrase became a personal compass—a reminder to make space for what matters. “Starve your distractions” pushed me to examine the habits and inputs draining my attention and challenged me to be intentional with my time and let go of what keeps me stagnant. “Feed your focus” reinforced that progress isn’t about bursts of inspiration, it’s about daily commitment.

As much as the book resonated with me, it isn’t without flaws. One notable drawback is its pacing. In a time when readers seek clear, actionable insights, Getting to Neutral can take too long to deliver. Moawad often opens with extended backstories that, while insightful, delay the core message—the buildup feels like a long inhale when a sharper breath is needed. The principles are strong, but the path to them can test the reader’s patience.

The book may further lose some readers due to frequent name-dropping, especially when references to elite athletes don’t resonate. That said, Getting to Neutral feels more grounded and introspective than Moawad’s first book, with less explicit language and a more measured tone. A quieter humility runs through the pages, likely shaped by the personal challenges he was facing.

The final chapter, “There Is No Finish Line,” feels like an unexpected conclusion centering on stories about Billy Donovan, coach of the Chicago Bulls. Though sincere, these reflections didn’t quite resonate—but just before the close, Moawad delivers the line that brings it all together:

“We’re all in charge of our wins and losses because we’re in charge of what we do next…So as you look into your future, don’t assign so much weight to things that haven’t happened yet.”

Moawad closes with a message of empowerment:

“None of what has happened in the past predicts the future. Every moment is its own adventure. So you own that next moment. And the next. And the next. And you keep going.”

Did he know it would be the last page he’d ever write? His final message feels intentional—meant to help the reader move forward with hope, clarity, and the confidence to do so without him. For me, it was a lasting reminder that the next moment is always unwritten—and that continuing on is both the challenge and the reward.

Troy Palmer2025-12-09T16:14:43-06:00

Examining Work Addiction, Burnout and Work-Family Conflict in Sport Organizations

Troy Palmer2025-12-09T16:14:43-06:00June 17th, 2026|Contemporary Sports Issues, General, Leadership, Sports Health & Fitness, Sports Management, Sports Studies, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|

ABSTRACT 

Purpose: The culture of National Collegiate Athletics Association (NCAA) Division I (DI) athletics can stimulate a culture that appears to “greedy” placing high demands on the time and energy of those working within the sport organization. These intense demands create the potential for experiences of work addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict among sport professionals. We aimed to examine the overall experiences of work addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict within the NCAA DI sport organization. Methods: We used an online cross-sectional survey (Qualtrics, Provo, UT) composed of demographics, measurement tools for work addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict. Each of the scales have strong internal consistency as reported by Cronbach’s alpha scores. The study was distributed to certified athletic trainers (AT), coaches, and sport performance coaches (SPC) working full-time in their position at an NCAA DI institution. Results: There was no significant difference in reported scores on the BWAS between athletic trainers and coaches (U = 3952.00, p = .160), and no significant difference was found between sport performance coaches and athletic trainers (U = 5894.00, p = .879). A significant difference of burnout levels between athletic trainers and coaches was revealed (U = 3559.50, p = .017) andno significant difference discovered in the reported levels of burnout between athletic trainers and sport performance coaches (U = 5483.00, p = .313). There was no significant difference between athletic trainers and coaches for work-family conflict (U = 4483.00, p =.939), or sport performance sport performance coaches and athletic trainers (U= 5576.50, p = .416). Conclusions: Our results indicate that work addiction and work-family conflict are experienced similarly across the sport organization. Athletic trainers were found to experience higher levels of burnout compared to coaches, but similar levels to sport performance coaches. Application in Sport: Implementing policies that address work and family strain coaches, athletic trainers, and sport performance coaches can face working in sport is important. Although overall burnout was low, athletic trainers were at greater risk; thus addressing the factors causing them to have greater levels of burnout than other 2 stakeholder groups is important.

Key Words: stress, role strain, workplace dynamics, organization conflict

INTRODUCTION 

Working within a collegiate sport organization places high demands on an individual, regardless of the role they play within that organization. The demands of the individual working in sport can include long working hours (+40 hours a week) that extend into nights and weekends (Laskowski & Ebben, 2016; Mazerolle et al., 2011; Scriber & Alderman, 2005; Singe et al., 2023b). Working hours are often accompanied by the need to be physically present, limiting flexibility and autonomy over work scheduling (Laskowski & Ebben, 2016; Mazerolle et al., 2011; Scriber & Alderman, 2005; Singe et al., 2023b). Organizational culture represents the underlying beliefs, values, and assumptions within an organization (Schein, 2010). The culture within sport organization has been described as one that is influenced by commercialization which has led to pressures to win at all costs due to the financial implications (Pope & Pope, 2014). Coaches, athletic trainers, and others working in sport organizations can feel the pressures associated with this culture, which can increase their stress, and influence their perceptions of work saliency, work-family conflict, and burnout.

Work addiction is a preoccupation with work (Andreassen, 2014; Robinson, 1999); and can be conceptualized as an individual who prioritizes their work over other responsibilities, which can lead to work-family conflict (Eason et al., 2022). Working in sport may have an influence on experiences of work addiction, particularly if the expectations around success and commitment hinge on prioritizing work. Coaches, athletic trainers, and sport performance coaches all contribute to the mission of the sport organization yet have very different and unique roles. Thus, the level of work addiction each of these individuals working in sport may demonstrate could vary, as well as the influence it may have on burnout and work-family. Research has examined experiences of burnout and work-family conflict among coaches and athletic trainers, independently, but not simultaneously (Graham & Smith, 2021; Singe et al., 2022). Organizational factors unique to sport are perhaps keys to understanding why burnout and work-family conflict occur, and better understanding if the role assumed in the sport organization can contribute.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Working Within the Sport Organization

The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) is the governing body that administers intercollegiate athletics in the United States. The NCAA is subdivided into three different divisions to create a fair playing field where teams are competing with schools at a similar level. Many factors separate the three subdivisions including media attention, airtime, and of course resources centered around finances and scholarship (Overview, n.d.). The NCAA Division I (DI) schools typically house the largest student bodies and possess the greatest number of athletic scholarship opportunities largely attributed to their large athletic budgets. Working within the NCAA DI setting comes with increased pressures and stress (Singe et al., 2022; Taylor et al., 2019) , particularly for coaches as they must produce through wins as well as retain students in their programs (Norris et al., 2017; Singe et al., 2022). The NCAA DI programs have large budgets which has the potential to play a significant role in the pressures and stress faced by those who are employed in the division.

At the NCAA Division II (DII) level student-athletes are offered scholarships to participate, but the number per sport is much less than the NCAA DI setting (Our Division II Story, n.d.).The expectations of those student-athletes participating at this level are somewhat less than the NCAA DI level, as time demands are slightly less (Our Division II Story, n.d.). The overall philosophy of the NCAA DII setting is one about balance, in which student-athletes are pushed to excel in their sport, but also in the classroom and campus community (Our Division II story, n.d.).

The NCAA Division III (DIII) level does not award scholarships generated from athletic participation (Our Three Divisions, n.d.), and has been described as a setting that encourages student first, and athlete second. Since there are no athletic scholarships offered, the budgets within these programs are much less than the other two divisions. The demands and expectations within the NCAA DIII setting are much less than and considered to be the most well-balanced collegiate experience (Our Division III Story, n.d.).

Working in the intercollegiate setting has been described as high-pressure, demanding, and one that can increase feelings of stress. Work addiction, burnout, and challenges with work-life balance have been found to occur for those working in intercollegiate sport, including coaches, athletic administrators, sports information specialists, and athletic trainers (Dixon & Bruening, 2005; Eason et al., 2022; Graham & Smith, 2022; Hatfield & Johnson, 2012). Causative factors linked to these challenges of working in sport include culture expectations within the workplace, time demands, inflexible work schedules, travel, and role incongruence. Sport is founded on the premise of teamwork and each member of the team has a critical role to support team success. Coaches, athletic trainers, and sport performance coaches are key members within the intercollegiate setting with unique roles supporting the student-athlete. Each has different roles, responsibilities, and expectations, and evidence that suggests those working in the intercollegiate setting are challenged to push beyond their work saliency leaving them vulnerable to work addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict. 

Work Addiction and Sport

Workaholism is conceptualized as something that occurs when a person becomes completely engulfed in their work, investing their time and energy in their work life (McMillan et al., 2003). Those who display characteristics of a workaholic are prone to experiences of increased stress, burnout, and work-family conflict (Clark et al., 2016; Eason et al., 2022). One’s career has been associated with higher experiences of workaholism, such as sport as the culture is one of sacrifice, expectations to put in long work hours, and choosing work over one’s personal life (Dixon & Bruening, 2005; Graham & Dixon, 2014). Workaholics have a high involvement in their work (i.e. working long hours), have a hard time disengaging from work, and feel compelled or driven to work (McMillan et al., 2003). Working harder than perhaps their job requires workaholics will then start neglecting their lives outside of their jobs (Schaufeli et al., 2008).

Coaches, athletic trainers, and sport performance coaches all must work long hours; in fact, athletic trainers have reported working 60+ hour work weeks, extending into nights and weekends (Bruening & Dixon, 2007; Singe et al., 2023b; Snarr & Beasley, 2022). These long working hours reported by individuals working in sport have been attributed to burnout and work-family conflict (Eason et al., 2022), and recently have been suggested to be perhaps driven by work addiction ( Eason et al., 2022) or associated with it (Taylor et al., 2019). Work addiction can be explained as an individual factor that can be attributed to one’s experiences of work-family conflict or burnout, and job demands such as long hours can be an organizational construct that influences work-family conflict or burnout (Cayton & Valovich McLeod, 2020; Eason et al., 2022). What is unknown is the aspects such as the navigation of long working hours and personal attributes of a coach, athletic trainer, or sport performance coach necessary to be successful members working in intercollegiate athletics.

Work addiction has seven core components or symptoms: salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal, conflict, relapse, and problems. These symptoms have been developed into a scale, the Bergen Work Addiction Scale (BWAS) as outlined by Andreassen et al. (2014) salience (the activity dominates thinking and behavior), tolerance (increasing amounts of the activity are required to achieve initial effects), mood modification (the activity modifies/improves mood), relapse (tendency for reversion to earlier patterns of the activity after abstinence of control), withdrawal (occurrence of unpleasant feelings when the activity if discontinued or suddenly reduced), conflict (the activity comes into conflict with personal life, needs, and relationships), and problems (caused by being greatly engaged in the activity).

Experiences of Burnout in Athletics

Burnout is one of the many identified stressors of those working in athletics largely attributed to the long working hours, high workloads, and demands (Singe et al., 2023b). Burnout has been defined as the degree of physical and psychological fatigue experienced by a person that can be attributed to personal, work, or client-related stress (Cairns et al., 2023; Kristensen et al., 2005). Organizational factors have been identified in being the greatest influence over experiences of burnout (Barrett et al., 2016). Individual factors such as personality have also been observed to influence burnout as well. Burnout has been positively associated with role strain, neuroticism, and work-family conflict (Barrett et al., 2016; Cayton & Valovich McLeod, 2020). The demanding environment of athletics involves high emotional involvement, stress, responsibility, and time restraints (Cayton & Valovich McLeod, 2020; Mazerolle et al., 2008). Furthermore, the organization commonly inadequately compensates their employees while still expecting them to work long hours with inadequate numbers of staff, a lack of control over scheduling, and limited time off (Bruening & Dixon, 2007; Cayton & Valovich McLeod, 2020). The combination of these factors places those working within the sport organization at an increased risk of experiencing burnout. Positive relationships have been observed between burnout, work-family conflict, and intention to leave, while negative relationships have been observed with job and life satisfaction for those experiencing burnout (Mazerolle et al., 2008).

Due to the predispositions those working in sport face, burnout has been widely studied in sport. Those working in sports have been shown to experience moderate levels of burnout (Cairns et al., 2023; Singe et al., 2023a; Snarr & Beasley, 2022). However, there have been slight fluctuations in reported levels of burnout since the pandemic with levels of burnout lessening (Cairns et al., 2023). Sport professionals also tend to report high levels of personal and work-related burnout (Singe et al., 2023a; Taylor et al., 2019). Levels of personal burnout have a positive relationship with working hours and a negative relationship with hours of sleep (Singe et al., 2023a). Men and women report similar levels of burnout, suggesting that gender is not a significant predictor of experiences of burnout (Cairns et al., 2023). Incorporating coping strategies such as social support, continuing education, and self-care in addition to organizational support have all been associated with decreased levels of burnout in sport (Singe et al., 2023a; Snarr & Beasley, 2022).

Work-family Conflict

Work-family conflict defined as a form of inter-role conflict. The conflict occurs when the general demands of, time devoted to, and strain created by the job interfere with performing family-related responsibilities (Netemeyer et al., 1996). With the high demands concerning time and presence associated with working in sport, work-family conflict is a prominent area of interest within the sport organization. Work-family conflict has been framed as a complex construct that is explained by individual, organizational/structural, and socio-cultural factors (Dixon & Bruening, 2005). This integrated approach to the exploration of work-family conflict within sport is increasingly important as studies have shown the presence of work-family conflict across the sport organization regardless of factors such as job, age, sex, or family/marital status. (Bruening & Dixon, 2007; Mazerolle et al., 2008) .

While work-family conflict is experienced regardless of demographic factors, there have been increased levels of work-family conflict associated with marital and parental statuses. Those who are married with children are more likely to experience greater levels of work-family conflict (Singe et al., 2022). Setting has also been seen to play a role in the experiences of work-family conflict with those working in collegiate athletics reporting higher levels than those in the secondary setting (Mazerolle et al., 2015). Experiences of work-family conflict among those working in the sport organization have also been seen to be above average (Mazerolle et al., 2015). Previous research has also suggested that working within the NCAA DI setting increases experiences of work-family conflict (Singe et al., 2022). This is supported by findings that those working in the NCAA DI setting report greater levels of work-family conflict compared to those working in the NCAA DIII setting which could likely be attributed to the increased demand of the DI setting (Singe et al., 2022). Beyond intense professional demands, long working hours, lack of control over work schedules, and unbalanced workloads were all also related to increased conflict at the DI level (Mazerolle et al., 2011). Within the sport organization, four types of conflict have been found attributing to work-family conflict: time, energy, attention, and emotional spillover (Graham & Smith, 2022). However, several organizational and personal strategies help establish work-family balance. As an organization, the implementation of staffing policies and the creation of a supportive work environment help in reducing experiences of work-family conflict (Mazerolle et al., 2011). Individual management strategies can be broken down into personal factors and individual strategies on the professional level. Individual strategies involve the incorporation of teamwork, boundary setting, prioritization, and integration of family with work (Mazerolle et al., 2011). Personal factors focus greatly on the separation and work and life as well as the establishment of a support network (Mazerolle et al., 2011).

Purpose

Despite the growing body of research dedicated to the examination of these constructs within the sport organization, there remains a need for a better understanding of the varied experiences held by different stakeholders within the organization. Additionally, the exploration of work-addiction within the sport organization is novel. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine overall experiences of burnout, work addiction, and work-family conflict within sport organizations. Additionally, this study seeks to compare these experiences among the various stakeholders within the sport organization. Given this information, we hypothesized the following:

H1_a– Coaches will report greater levels of work addiction compared to athletic trainers.

H2_b– Athletic trainers will report greater levels of work addiction compared to sport performance coaches.

H2_a– Athletic trainers will report greater levels of burnout compared to coaches.

H2_b– Athletic trainers will report greater levels of burnout compared to sport performance coaches.

H3_a– Athletic trainers will report greater levels of work-family conflict compared to coaches.

H3_b– Athletic trainers will report greater levels of work-family conflict compared to sport performance coaches.

H4_a– Work addiction and work-family conflict will have a positive relationship.

H4_b– Work addition and burnout will have a positive relationship. 

METHODS 

Study design

The study design is a web-based cross-sectional study (Qualtrics, Provo, UT). Data was collected using a self-reported online questionnaire evaluating sleep, self-care, work-family conflict, work addiction, and burnout among NCAA Division I collegiate athletic trainers, coaches, and sport performance coaches. Approval for this study was obtained from the institutional review board (IRB) prior to data collection, which occurred over a four-week period in the Fall of 2023.

Procedures

Prior to survey distribution, we completed a face validity process; 3 athletic trainers took the survey for the purposes of the process. No changes were made to the survey based on the face validity feedback. Two email reminders were sent at the 1-week and 3-week marks, reminding participants to complete the survey.

Participants

The target population for the current study were NCAA Division I (DI) athletic trainers, sport performance coaches, and coaches. A list of all NCAA DI institutions was created using the NCSA college recruiting website (n = 363). From the list of institutions offering NCAA DI athletics programs, the individual athletics websites were accessed to create a list of emails for those individuals identified as an athletic trainer, sport performance coach, or a head or assistant coach. We were able to identify 13,412 email addresses across the 3 stakeholder groups. Our power analysis indicated a requirement of 258 respondents, which resulted in 86 participants from each stakeholder (group). Strata randomization was utilized since we did not have a complete list of all possible participants, thus phases of distribution were utilized and represented in Figure 1.  

Figure 1. Recruitment and Data Screening

Sample

A total of 153 athletic trainers (51.5%), 59 coaches (19.9%), and 78 sports performance coaches (26.3%) completed this research study. Of the participants, 166 were female (55.9%), 121 male (40.7%), and 2 preferred not to answer (0.7%). The mean age of the participants in this study was 33 ± 9, with ages ranging from 22 – 70 years. Participants on average had 10 ± 9 years of experience, with an average of 5 ± 6 years working at their current institution. On average, participants worked 55 ± 16 hours per week. Complete demographic data is shown in Table 1.

Table 1. Participant Demographics

Demographic	Score
Gender, n (%)
Male	121 (40.7)
Female	166 (55.9)
Prefer not to answer	2 (0.7)
Highest level of education, n (%)
Bachelor’s Degree	48 (16.2)
Master’s Degree	237 (79.8)
Doctorate	5 (1.7)
Primary Role, n (%)
Head Coach	18 (6.1)
Associate Coach	9 (3.0)
Assistant Coach	34 (11.4)
Head Athletic Trainer	15 (5.1)
Associate Athletic Trainer	37 (12.5)
Staff/Assistant Athletic Trainer	99 (33.3)
Director, Sport Performance (Conditioning)	23 (7.7)
Strength and Conditioning Coach	51 (17.2)
Marital status, n (%)
Single	137 (46.1)
Cohabitating	28 (9.4)
Married	117 (39.4)
Separated	2 (0.7)
Divorced	3 (0.7)
Widowed	1 (0.3)
Engaged	3 (1.0)
Spouse employment status n (%)
Employed, full-time	210 (70.7)
Employed, part-time	18 (6.1)
Does not work/stay at home	25 (8.4)
Children, n (%)
0	202 (70.0)
Currently Pregnant	8 (2.7)
1	21 (7.1)
2	33 (11.1)
3+	27 (8.8)
Group Identity, n (%)
Single Female	112 (37.7)
Single Male	33 (11.1)
Married Female	43 (14.5)
Married Male	80 (26.9)
This does not apply to me	20 (6.7)

Instrumentation

The online survey was hosted in Qualtrics and included 36-items not including the demographic questions. Participants completed 13 demographic questions, prior to the 3 scales (i.e. Copenhagen Burnout Inventory (CBI), Bergen Work Addiction Scale, and Work-Family Conflict), which were not altered as they are valid instruments.  

Burnout. Burnout was measured using the CBI as a tool that demonstrates reliability (α=.85-.87) and had been used previously to measure burnout among athletic trainers (α=.88) (Kristensen et al., 2005; Naugle et al., 2013). The scale included 3 subscales: personal (n=6-items), work-related (n=7-items), and client-based burnout (n=6-items). Participants use a 5-point Likert scale 0 (never/almost never/low degree), 25 (seldom/low degree), 50 (somewhat or sometimes), 75 (often/high degree), and 100 (always/high degree). The scale is summed for an overall burnout score, with a higher score indicating a higher level of burnout (0 is low, 100 is severe).

Work addiction. The Bergen Work Addiction Scale (BWAS) was used to measure work addiction (α=.78) among our sample. The scale has 7-items, each representing an aspect, or symptom of work addiction (salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal, conflict, relapse, and problems – Table 6). The 7-items are assessed using a 5-point Likert scale, 1 (never) to 5 (always). The responses are summed (range 7 to 35), and a score of 4 (often) or 5 (always) on 4 of 7 items indicates a high risk for work addiction.

Work-family conflict. Work-family conflict scale was assessed using the scale previously validated by Netemeyer et al. (α=.90). The 10-item scale evaluates the bi-directional nature of the construct; 5-items for work-family conflict (WFC) and 5-items for family-work conflict (FWC). Participants indicated their responses on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Sample questions include: “WFC®The demands of my job interfere with my home and family life,” and “FWC®The things I want to do at home do not get done because of the demands of my job.”

Data analyses

The data collected via Qualtrics was transferred to Excel by Microsoft Corporation. Following the completion of data collection, it underwent a filtration process to remove incomplete responses, defined as those failing to complete the required scales or the survey itself as per the scale validation. Subsequently, the filtered data was imported into SPSS, version, etc., for statistical analysis. Demographic information such as age, gender, and marital status were obtained through specific questions, and these demographic variables were subjected to descriptive and frequency analyses. The outcomes are presented as mean and standard deviation or frequency. Validated scales were assessed using means due to the non-parametric nature of the data analysis at hand, and Cohens d is reported for effect size.

RESULTS

Participant Demographics

Participants were 51.5% athletic trainers (n = 153), 19.9% were coaches (n=59), and 26.3% were sports performance coaches (n = 78). The average age of the participants was 33 ± 9 and they had been working in their respective roles for an average of 11± 9. They self-reported working 55 ± 17 hours per week (at the time of data collection).

Stakeholders and Work-Addiction

The mean score on the BWAS across all three stakeholder groups was 20.71 ± 4.57. Table 2 represents the mean scores on the BWAS, reported by each stakeholder group. Athletic trainers reported a score of 20.84 ± 4.51, whereas coaches reported a mean score of 20.05 ± 4.85. There was no significant difference in reported scores on the BWAS between athletic trainers and coaches (U = 3952.00, p = .160, d= 0.11). Additionally, sport performance coaches reported a mean score of 20.96 ± 4.50, and no significant difference was found between sport performance coaches and athletic trainers (U = 5894.00, p = .879, d= -0.010). Furthermore, across all three stakeholders, 80 were found to be workaholics while 210 (38%) were found not to be work addicted. Among athletic trainers, 45 of the 153 (29%) respondents were found to be workaholics. Of coaches, 12 of the 59 (20%) respondents were found to be workaholics. Among sport performance coaches, 23 of 78 (29%) respondents were found to be workaholics.

Stakeholders and Burnout

Across all three stakeholder groups, participants reported low levels (46.27 ± 16.04) on the CBI, additionally mean scores of 54.9 5 ± 17.24 on the personal-related subscale, 49.99 ± 18.87 on the work-related subscale, and 33.25 ± 18.67 on the client-related subscale. Table 2 represents the mean scores on the CBI and subscales, reported by each stakeholder group. Athletic trainers reported a mean score of 48.07 ± 16.42 on the CBI, while coaches reported a mean score of 41.99 ± 15.89 on the CBI. A significant difference of burnout levels between athletic trainers and coaches was revealed (U = 3559.50, p = .017, d= -0.16).Additionally, sport performance coaches reported a mean score of 45.97 ± 14.92. There was no significant difference discovered in the reported levels of burnout between athletic trainers and sport performance coaches (U = 5483.00, p = .313, d= -0.06).

Table 2: Comparison of Reported Scale Scores by Stakeholder

Stakeholder	CBI (Mean±SD)	BWAS (Mean±SD)	WFC (Mean±SD)
Athletic Trainers	48.07±16.42	20.84±4.51	37.66±9.26
Coaches	41.99±15.89	20.05±4.85	37.64±10.52
Sports Performance	45.97±14.92	20.96±4.50	37.86±9.49

Stakeholders and Work-Family Conflict

The mean score across all stakeholders on the WFC scale was 37.71 ± 9.56. Athletic trainers reported a mean of 37.66 ± 9.26, whereas coaches reported a mean of 37.64 ± 10.52. There was no significant difference between athletic trainers and coaches (U = 4483.00, p =.939, d= -0.05).Furthermore, sport performance coaches reported a mean of 37.86 ± 9.49, and no significant difference was found between sport performance coaches and athletic trainers (U= 5576.50, p = .416, d= -0.06).

Variable relationships

Correlation matrices revealed a moderate positive correlation (.507) between work addiction and work-family conflict. Work addiction and burnout also resulted in a moderate positive relationship (.573).

DISCUSSION

Inferences has been made that working in sport can lead to experiences of burnout and work-family conflict, as well as that to be a productive member of the team one must be addicted to their role. Our purpose was to explore the experiences of work-addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict among athletic trainers, coaches, and sport performance coaches. This aim was directed at better understanding around one’s role in the sport organization and experiences of these constructs. As predicted work addiction, regardless of stakeholder position, leads to increased levels of burnout and work-family conflict. Uniquely, athletic trainers and coaches experience higher levels of burnout than sport performance coaches.

Stakeholders and Work-Family Conflict

We did not find any significant differences among our samples and experiences of WFC. The total mean score on the WFC scale is comparative to other studies examining WFC among athletic trainers work in the sport industry (Mazerolle et al. 2011; Pitney et al. 2011; Singe et al. in press). Our sample was largely represented by those who do not have children (70%); which could explain why we did not find any differences among our sample regarding experiences of WFC. Time is often a large facilitator of WFC, despite our sample reporting 55 hours per week, many did not have children another facilitator of WFC (Mazerolle et al., 2008; Pitney et al., 2011; Singe et al., 2023a). Perhaps working long hours has less of an impact on the individual when additional family responsibilities are not present, and one can focus on work and personal interests.

Stakeholders and Burnout

Overall, this sample of individuals working in the sport organization are experiencing low levels of burnout. Low levels of burnout does not imply that our sample is not experiencing it; however quantifiably it is lower. The literature over the last 5 years has suggested that coaches and athletic trainers are experiencing higher levels of burnout (Goodger et al., 2007; Singe et al., 2024; Singe et al., 2023a). We found that athletic trainers reported higher levels of burnout compared to coaches, but similar levels of burnout to sport performance coaches. Moderate levels of burnout have recently been reported among athletic trainers  (Singe et al., 2023a); however, fluctuations in experiences have been observed over the past 3 years with levels varying between moderate and low (Cairns et al., 2023; Oglesby et al., 2020; Singe et al., 2023a). Sport performance coaches have yet to be identified within the literature regarding burnout; our sample reported similar levels of burnout as athletic trainers. Similar to athletic trainers, sport performance coaches have high demands placed upon them, and they are invested in the success of their athletes as well as log long hours in the workplace (Bentzen et al., 2016; Olusoga et al., 2019).

Stakeholders and Work-Addiction

Our overall sample is not classified as a workaholic; however, both athletic trainers and sport performance coaches demonstrate a larger sample (29%) of those who would be classified as such. Workaholics may work long hours but that is by choice and perhaps not as a necessity (Andersen et al., 2023). Although our sample reports working excessive hours (55), they do not self-identify as workaholics. Moreover, we did not find significant differences between stakeholders. These findings suggest that work addiction is likely an individualized factor, and not necessarily an outcome of working in sport organization. As detailed in the work-family conflict framework of Bruening and Dixon (2005, 2007), there are individual, organizational, and sociocultural outcomes of experiences of work-family conflict.  

Variable relationships

Positive relationships were found between work addiction and both burnout and work-family conflict. The correlations found between the experiences of these constructs are consistent with those observed in previous studies examining these constructs in athletic trainers (Eason et al., 2022). These results make it apparent that experiences of work addiction, work-family conflict, and burnout occur at the same time. Previously stated, work-addiction can be attributed to experiences of work-family conflict and burnout. In this case all stakeholders are experiencing all three constructs.

We predicted there to be positive relationships between work addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict. Work addiction is yet another construct that is experienced by those working in the sport organization. This study adds to the literature that there are no differences in work-family conflict and burnout across athletic trainers, coaches, and SPCs. Yet, there are notable differences when it comes to burnout. Coaches and SPCs are experiencing work-family conflict, and work-addiction similarly to athletic trainers. This speaks to the sport organization as a whole; all employees are encountering these constructs. We suggest the sport organization investigate and assess reasons employees are work-addicted and have work-family conflict, to improve job and life satisfaction.

ATs experienced higher levels of burnout compared to coaches, and SPCs. There are many reasons this may be, the number of athletes per employee, responsibilities, and medical roles. However, in this sample athletic trainers reported low levels of burnout, though higher than coaches and SPCs, not quite as high as levels in recent literature (Barrett et al., 2016).

Consideration for Future Research and Study Limitations

The findings of this study expand upon the growing body of literature examining the constructs of work-addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict within the sport organization, yet limitations on these findings remain. Our study received 297 usable responses, which is a lower response rate than anticipated. Due to these factors, we recognize that these findings may not represent the experiences of all of those working within the sport organization. Our database was established using publicly available information therefore a complete list of all athletic trainers, coaches, and sports performance coaches at the DI level was unable to be obtained. Therefore, the results of this study may not represent the experiences of the entirety of NCAA DI athletic trainers, coaches, and SPCs. Our study also only examined those working within the NCAA DI setting; thus, those working in the DII, DIII, NAIA, or other collegiate levels may not have similar experiences with these constructs. Furthermore, those working in secondary schools or other settings also may not identify with the findings of this study.

Further research should include the investigation of work-addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict at all levels of collegiate athletics as well as those in secondary schools and alternate settings. Currently, the literature has examined these constructs within the sport organization solely focused on the experiences of athletic trainers, creating a need for future research among coaches and sports performance coaches on these constructs. Additionally, the study of work addiction within the sport organization is a novel issue, so further research is necessary to gain a better understanding of work addiction within athletics.

CONCLUSION 

This study sought to further our knowledge of the experiences of athletic trainers, coaches, and sport performance coaches in the DI setting, regarding work-addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict. Experiences were nearly universal across the sport organization except for athletic trainers experiencing greater levels of burnout compared to coaches. Positive relationships were also observed between levels of work addiction and both burnout and work-family conflict. The findings of this study suggest that these constructs are prominent issues across the sport organization. Given the prevalence across the sport organization, increased implication of both personal and organizational strategies may be necessary as a means of mitigating the impact of these issues (Cairns et al., 2023; Singe et al., 2022). This study serves as a preliminary exploration into the variance of experiences of work addiction, burnout, and work-family conflict across the sport organization stakeholders.

APPLICATIONS IN SPORT

Athletic trainers reported significantly different levels of burnout compared to coaches and sport performance coaches; thus we believe that understanding the specific role stressors for the athletic trainer can help address potential programs to prevent burnout. For example, wellness programs or a workload redistribution may be warranted for athletic trainers.  We did not find any differences among work-family conflict among any of the grups, which suggests more broad based policies that are family-friendly may help athletic trainers, coaches, and sport performance coaches (family-leave, time-off policies). Work addiction was a risk factor for both burnout and work-family conflict among our stakeholders, thus individuals and supervisors should be aware of the signs of burnout, but also encourage stress and boundary management,  as well as healthy work habits to prevent issues around burnout and conflicts between work and home. 

Troy Palmer2025-10-13T15:23:20-05:00

Basketball and black America: Exploring the intersections of race, fan involvement and community engagement

Troy Palmer2025-10-13T15:23:20-05:00June 10th, 2026|Contemporary Sports Issues, General, Research, Sport Education, Sports Marketing|

Purpose:
This study explored the cultural, social, and community significance of basketball within Black America through a case study of The City League in Indianapolis. The purpose was to understand how basketball functions as a cultural anchor, pathway for opportunity, and tool for community engagement among African American spectators and participants.

Methods:
A qualitative approach was used with one semi-structured focus group of eight African American spectators (four men, four women), all over 18 years old. The session lasted 60 minutes and was audio recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using margin coding by two independent coders. Triangulation with field notes from league games and events enhanced trustworthiness.

Results:
Seven themes emerged across two domains: basketball in the Black community and The City League’s role. Participants viewed basketball as a foundation of cultural identity, family heritage, and social connection. The sport served as a vehicle for education, leadership, and personal development, while also providing emotional support and belonging. The City League was described as more than a competition; it fosters mentorship, service, and community pride. Key challenges included limited resources for smaller leagues and barriers to women’s participation linked to time and family responsibilities.

Conclusions:
Basketball operates as both a cultural cornerstone and a platform for empowerment within Black communities. The City League exemplifies how grassroots initiatives can strengthen social bonds, promote resilience, and address systemic inequities through sport.

Applications in Sport:
Sports professionals and organizations can use these insights to create inclusive, culturally grounded programs that expand access and foster authentic community relationships. Investment in local leagues, support for women’s participation, and collaboration with community partners can enhance engagement and sustainability while advancing social impact through sport.

Key Words: cultural identity, community development, marketing, grassroots sports

INTRODUCTION

Introduction

Basketball is deeply embedded within Black culture and functions as more than just a sport. It serves as a mechanism for identity formation, community-building, and economic mobility. The NBA has the highest share of Black viewers of any major American sport, with nearly twenty percent of its audience identifying as Black (Statista, 2025). Viewership alone, however, does not capture the depth of engagement. Basketball extends into grassroots initiatives, recreational leagues, and social justice movements, demonstrating its role as both cultural cornerstone and avenue of empowerment.

Beyond entertainment, basketball is linked to broader issues of economic and social mobility. In 2023, the NBA generated approximately $10.58 billion in total revenue (TOI Sports Desk, 2024). Yet, persistent inequities remain as more than one in three Black children in the United States live below the poverty line, and systemic barriers continue to restrict economic opportunities (IBW21, 2024). Against this backdrop, community-based organizations such as The City League provide essential opportunities for mentorship, engagement, and development pathways for youth and adults alike. This study explores basketball’s cultural and community roles in Black America, focusing on Indianapolis’ The City League. By examining fan and community member perspectives, the research highlights basketball’s role in identity, resilience, and grassroots development.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Scholars have long examined the role of basketball in shaping Black identity and community aspirations. Carrington (2010) conceptualized basketball as part of the sporting Black diaspora, while Spencer (2016) highlighted the sport’s role in cultural politics and resistance. Similarly, Cummings (2018) identified basketball as a tool for youth mentorship and leadership development. Together, these studies frame basketball as both cultural practice and social instrument. The City League embodies these dynamics in practice, serving as a contemporary example of how basketball continues to foster cultural pride, leadership, and community cohesion within Black America.

Basketball also shapes economic and consumer landscapes. Armstrong (2001) demonstrated how race influences NBA consumption behaviors, while Rich (2022) analyzed marketing strategies directed at Black basketball fans. These findings illustrate how basketball extends beyond recreation into the realms of consumer culture and social influence.

Other research emphasizes local and community contexts. Brooks (2011) explored how grassroots leagues foster young Black athletes’ aspirations, while Vieyra (2016) examined pickup basketball’s role in sustaining community ties. These insights reinforce the idea that basketball is not only competitive but also central to cultural preservation and social connectedness. Building on this body of work, the present study investigates how spectators and participants in The City League conceptualize basketball’s broader significance.

The City League

The City League originated in 2013 when members of a Crosstown Neighborhood Association meeting partnered with Little Bethel Missionary Baptist Church to host free basketball open gyms for local youth. The initiative quickly evolved into competitive tournaments, designed not only to enhance basketball quality but also to generate revenue to sustain programming. Early success highlighted the importance of community partnerships, leading to broader collaborations with local businesses and organizations.

Today, The City League has expanded to include both men’s and women’s leagues, with 16 and 7 teams respectively. Partnerships with corporate sponsors, such as CareSource, have further strengthened the league’s ability to provide opportunities for community development, mentorship, and engagement. More than a sporting event, The City League has become a cultural institution within Indianapolis, bridging high-level basketball, local businesses, and grassroots empowerment.

METHODOLOGY

This study employed a qualitative design using semi-structured focus group interviews. One focus group was conducted with eight participants (four male, four female). The purpose of this qualitative study was not to generalize findings to a broader population, but rather to capture rich, nuanced perspectives of African American spectators engaged in local basketball culture. The decision to use one focus group aligns with qualitative traditions that prioritize depth over breadth, particularly when participants share a common context and cultural connection (Krueger & Casey, 2015; Morgan, 1997). The participants were African American spectators of community and recreational basketball leagues in Indianapolis. All participants were over the age of 18.

Materials and Measures

Data were collected during a summer recreational basketball league through a semi-structured focus group lasting approximately 60 minutes. A moderator used a prepared script to guide discussion and ensure that relevant topics were addressed. The focus group session was audio recorded for accuracy.

Procedures

Participants were recruited using purposeful-criterion sampling. Flyers were distributed at league games and open gym sessions, containing QR codes that directed potential participants to an informed consent form and sign-up sheet. Professional basketball game tickets were provided as an incentive for participation.

Data Analysis

Margin coding was conducted by two independent coders. This analysis involves writing preliminary codes or thematic notes in the margins of transcripts to identify emerging patterns and concepts during the early stages of qualitative analysis. Triangulation with secondary sources, including participant observations and field notes collected during league games and a banquet, were used to enhance validity and trustworthiness.

RESULTS

Seven themes were identified across the focus group discussion and confirmed with supplemental field notes. Participants ranged in age from 30 to 58, with equal gender representation. Two overarching categories emerged: (a) basketball and the Black community, and (b) The City League specifically.

Themes Related to Basketball and the Black Community

Basketball as a Cultural and Historical Anchor.
Participants described basketball as deeply rooted in Black history, functioning as a cultural thread that unites families and neighborhoods across generations. One participant shared that their father had been “on the 1955 Crispus Attucks team, one of the first all-Black high school teams to win a state championship,” underscoring how basketball continues to serve as both a point of pride and a source of collective identity within the community.

Basketball as a Vehicle for Personal Growth and Opportunity.
Many participants emphasized basketball’s role in providing pathways for education, leadership, and personal advancement. As one participant explained, the league has helped “over 500 players earn scholarships,” demonstrating how community-level engagement in the sport can translate into tangible academic and professional opportunities.

Basketball as a Community Builder and Mental Health Outlet.
Participants also highlighted basketball’s importance in fostering emotional well-being and providing a sense of belonging. Several described the sport as a “catch net” for Black men, with one participant explaining that it helps “catch men and broken barriers that are systemically in our houses, our communities, our families.” For many, basketball was not simply recreation but a safe space for connection, mentorship, and healing.

Themes Related to The City League

The City League as More Than Basketball.
Participants consistently framed The City League as a transformative community institution. One participant noted that “they aren’t just a basketball league—they are doing fundraisers, feeding people, and collaborating with other organizations,” illustrating the league’s holistic approach to community engagement and service.

Challenges in Women’s Participation.
Female participants discussed barriers related to work, family responsibilities, and limited incentives for women’s involvement. As one participant explained, “Most of us are 30–40, moms, and everything else, so it’s just kind of hard. We need to pass it on and include younger ladies.” This highlights the need for more inclusive structures to sustain women’s engagement in community-based sports.

Lack of Resources for Smaller Leagues.
A recurring concern was the limited access to funding and institutional support for smaller, community-driven leagues compared to larger organizations. One participant reflected, “We all talk about diversity, inclusion, and equity, but nobody is including the inner city,” pointing to perceived disparities in local sports development and municipal investment.

The Future of The City League.
Finally, participants expressed optimism and a shared vision for the league’s growth, particularly in expanding youth involvement. As one participant stated, “We want The City League to impact the youth because the future are the children.” This sentiment underscores participants’ belief in basketball as a conduit for intergenerational continuity, mentorship, and community advancement.

Participants consistently conveyed conviction and passion in describing basketball’s cultural and community significance.

Figure 1. Conceptual model that visually connects basketball’s cultural/community roles with marketing implications and opportunities.

DISCUSSION

The findings highlight basketball’s role as both cultural anchor and tool for empowerment within Black communities. Participants’ reflections align with Carrington (2010) and Spencer (2016), who described basketball’s deep cultural resonance. Basketball was not only entertainment but also a source of identity, support, and resilience. These findings echo Cummings’ (2018) work on basketball’s role in youth development.

Challenges identified such as women’s participation barriers and inequitable funding mirror broader structural inequities. Brooks (2011) noted similar struggles in sustaining community-based leagues, while Rich (2022) argued that authenticity and resource allocation are critical for long-term sustainability. The City League’s model of grassroots empowerment demonstrates potential pathways for bridging sport, community development, and cultural preservation.

Practical Implications

Brands seeking to engage Black basketball fans must ground their efforts in authentic community investment (Rich, 2022). Participants emphasized that basketball represents more than a sport; it embodies culture, history, and connection. The following practical implications emerge from these findings:

• Prioritize authenticity. Marketing strategies should reflect basketball’s cultural, social, and community-building dimensions. Campaigns that highlight mentorship, historical pride, and empowerment are more likely to resonate.
• Promote representation and inclusion. Addressing barriers to women’s participation offers opportunities for differentiation. Brands can invest in inclusive programming—such as childcare support or flexible scheduling—to expand engagement among women athletes and fans.
• Invest in grassroots sponsorships. Supporting smaller, underfunded community leagues builds trust and positions brands as genuine stakeholders rather than transactional outsiders.
• Adopt a holistic brand perspective. Viewing basketball as a lifestyle rooted in education, mental wellness, and resilience allows brands to align their identities with values central to Black basketball communities.

Limitations

As with all qualitative research, this study has several limitations that should be considered when interpreting the findings. First, the data were drawn from a single focus group with eight participants in Indianapolis, which limits generalizability to broader populations or other geographic contexts. The use of a single focus group represents both a methodological strength and a design limitation. While this approach allowed for rich, interactive discussion and depth of understanding, it also limited the diversity of perspectives that could have been captured through multiple groups or individual interviews. Second, participant perspectives may have been shaped by self-selection bias, as individuals who chose to participate were likely already engaged with basketball culture and The City League. Third, while triangulation with field notes enhanced validity, the absence of additional data sources, such as surveys or interviews with league organizers and sponsors, constrains the depth of analysis. These limitations provide important context for the findings and point toward avenues for future exploration.

Future research

This study provides an exploratory look at the cultural significance of basketball in Black America through the case of The City League. Future research could expand on these findings in several ways. First, additional studies might examine multiple community leagues across different U.S. cities to compare how regional contexts shape the role of basketball in Black communities. Second, quantitative research could complement these qualitative insights by measuring the social, economic, and psychological impacts of community basketball programs on participants. Third, future work could focus on longitudinal outcomes, tracking how sustained involvement in leagues like The City League influences educational attainment, career development, and community engagement over time. Fourth, more focused research on women’s basketball participation in grassroots leagues is needed to better understand gendered barriers and strategies for inclusivity. Finally, scholars might investigate how brands and organizations can authentically partner with community leagues, exploring both best practices and pitfalls in sports marketing and corporate social responsibility.